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- By Mitchell Aboulafia, Frederick Adams, Marilyn McCord Adams, Robert M. Adams, Laird Addis, James W. Allard, David Allison, William P. Alston, Karl Ameriks, C. Anthony Anderson, David Leech Anderson, Lanier Anderson, Roger Ariew, David Armstrong, Denis G. Arnold, E. J. Ashworth, Margaret Atherton, Robin Attfield, Bruce Aune, Edward Wilson Averill, Jody Azzouni, Kent Bach, Andrew Bailey, Lynne Rudder Baker, Thomas R. Baldwin, Jon Barwise, George Bealer, William Bechtel, Lawrence C. Becker, Mark A. Bedau, Ernst Behler, José A. Benardete, Ermanno Bencivenga, Jan Berg, Michael Bergmann, Robert L. Bernasconi, Sven Bernecker, Bernard Berofsky, Rod Bertolet, Charles J. Beyer, Christian Beyer, Joseph Bien, Joseph Bien, Peg Birmingham, Ivan Boh, James Bohman, Daniel Bonevac, Laurence BonJour, William J. Bouwsma, Raymond D. Bradley, Myles Brand, Richard B. Brandt, Michael E. Bratman, Stephen E. Braude, Daniel Breazeale, Angela Breitenbach, Jason Bridges, David O. Brink, Gordon G. 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Dillon, Robert DiSalle, Mary Domski, Alan Donagan, Paul Draper, Fred Dretske, Mircea Dumitru, Wilhelm Dupré, Gerald Dworkin, John Earman, Ellery Eells, Catherine Z. Elgin, Berent Enç, Ronald P. Endicott, Edward Erwin, John Etchemendy, C. Stephen Evans, Susan L. Feagin, Solomon Feferman, Richard Feldman, Arthur Fine, Maurice A. Finocchiaro, William FitzPatrick, Richard E. Flathman, Gvozden Flego, Richard Foley, Graeme Forbes, Rainer Forst, Malcolm R. Forster, Daniel Fouke, Patrick Francken, Samuel Freeman, Elizabeth Fricker, Miranda Fricker, Michael Friedman, Michael Fuerstein, Richard A. Fumerton, Alan Gabbey, Pieranna Garavaso, Daniel Garber, Jorge L. A. Garcia, Robert K. Garcia, Don Garrett, Philip Gasper, Gerald Gaus, Berys Gaut, Bernard Gert, Roger F. Gibson, Cody Gilmore, Carl Ginet, Alan H. Goldman, Alvin I. Goldman, Alfonso Gömez-Lobo, Lenn E. Goodman, Robert M. Gordon, Stefan Gosepath, Jorge J. E. Gracia, Daniel W. Graham, George A. Graham, Peter J. Graham, Richard E. Grandy, I. Grattan-Guinness, John Greco, Philip T. Grier, Nicholas Griffin, Nicholas Griffin, David A. Griffiths, Paul J. Griffiths, Stephen R. Grimm, Charles L. Griswold, Charles B. Guignon, Pete A. Y. Gunter, Dimitri Gutas, Gary Gutting, Paul Guyer, Kwame Gyekye, Oscar A. Haac, Raul Hakli, Raul Hakli, Michael Hallett, Edward C. Halper, Jean Hampton, R. James Hankinson, K. R. Hanley, Russell Hardin, Robert M. Harnish, William Harper, David Harrah, Kevin Hart, Ali Hasan, William Hasker, John Haugeland, Roger Hausheer, William Heald, Peter Heath, Richard Heck, John F. Heil, Vincent F. Hendricks, Stephen Hetherington, Francis Heylighen, Kathleen Marie Higgins, Risto Hilpinen, Harold T. Hodes, Joshua Hoffman, Alan Holland, Robert L. Holmes, Richard Holton, Brad W. Hooker, Terence E. Horgan, Tamara Horowitz, Paul Horwich, Vittorio Hösle, Paul Hoβfeld, Daniel Howard-Snyder, Frances Howard-Snyder, Anne Hudson, Deal W. Hudson, Carl A. Huffman, David L. Hull, Patricia Huntington, Thomas Hurka, Paul Hurley, Rosalind Hursthouse, Guillermo Hurtado, Ronald E. Hustwit, Sarah Hutton, Jonathan Jenkins Ichikawa, Harry A. Ide, David Ingram, Philip J. Ivanhoe, Alfred L. Ivry, Frank Jackson, Dale Jacquette, Joseph Jedwab, Richard Jeffrey, David Alan Johnson, Edward Johnson, Mark D. Jordan, Richard Joyce, Hwa Yol Jung, Robert Hillary Kane, Tomis Kapitan, Jacquelyn Ann K. Kegley, James A. Keller, Ralph Kennedy, Sergei Khoruzhii, Jaegwon Kim, Yersu Kim, Nathan L. King, Patricia Kitcher, Peter D. Klein, E. D. Klemke, Virginia Klenk, George L. Kline, Christian Klotz, Simo Knuuttila, Joseph J. Kockelmans, Konstantin Kolenda, Sebastian Tomasz Kołodziejczyk, Isaac Kramnick, Richard Kraut, Fred Kroon, Manfred Kuehn, Steven T. Kuhn, Henry E. Kyburg, John Lachs, Jennifer Lackey, Stephen E. Lahey, Andrea Lavazza, Thomas H. Leahey, Joo Heung Lee, Keith Lehrer, Dorothy Leland, Noah M. Lemos, Ernest LePore, Sarah-Jane Leslie, Isaac Levi, Andrew Levine, Alan E. Lewis, Daniel E. Little, Shu-hsien Liu, Shu-hsien Liu, Alan K. L. Chan, Brian Loar, Lawrence B. Lombard, John Longeway, Dominic McIver Lopes, Michael J. Loux, E. J. Lowe, Steven Luper, Eugene C. Luschei, William G. Lycan, David Lyons, David Macarthur, Danielle Macbeth, Scott MacDonald, Jacob L. Mackey, Louis H. Mackey, Penelope Mackie, Edward H. Madden, Penelope Maddy, G. B. Madison, Bernd Magnus, Pekka Mäkelä, Rudolf A. Makkreel, David Manley, William E. Mann (W.E.M.), Vladimir Marchenkov, Peter Markie, Jean-Pierre Marquis, Ausonio Marras, Mike W. Martin, A. P. Martinich, William L. McBride, David McCabe, Storrs McCall, Hugh J. McCann, Robert N. McCauley, John J. McDermott, Sarah McGrath, Ralph McInerny, Daniel J. McKaughan, Thomas McKay, Michael McKinsey, Brian P. McLaughlin, Ernan McMullin, Anthonie Meijers, Jack W. Meiland, William Jason Melanson, Alfred R. Mele, Joseph R. Mendola, Christopher Menzel, Michael J. Meyer, Christian B. Miller, David W. Miller, Peter Millican, Robert N. Minor, Phillip Mitsis, James A. Montmarquet, Michael S. Moore, Tim Moore, Benjamin Morison, Donald R. Morrison, Stephen J. Morse, Paul K. Moser, Alexander P. D. Mourelatos, Ian Mueller, James Bernard Murphy, Mark C. Murphy, Steven Nadler, Jan Narveson, Alan Nelson, Jerome Neu, Samuel Newlands, Kai Nielsen, Ilkka Niiniluoto, Carlos G. Noreña, Calvin G. Normore, David Fate Norton, Nikolaj Nottelmann, Donald Nute, David S. Oderberg, Steve Odin, Michael O’Rourke, Willard G. Oxtoby, Heinz Paetzold, George S. Pappas, Anthony J. Parel, Lydia Patton, R. P. Peerenboom, Francis Jeffry Pelletier, Adriaan T. Peperzak, Derk Pereboom, Jaroslav Peregrin, Glen Pettigrove, Philip Pettit, Edmund L. Pincoffs, Andrew Pinsent, Robert B. Pippin, Alvin Plantinga, Louis P. Pojman, Richard H. Popkin, John F. Post, Carl J. Posy, William J. Prior, Richard Purtill, Michael Quante, Philip L. Quinn, Philip L. Quinn, Elizabeth S. Radcliffe, Diana Raffman, Gerard Raulet, Stephen L. Read, Andrews Reath, Andrew Reisner, Nicholas Rescher, Henry S. Richardson, Robert C. Richardson, Thomas Ricketts, Wayne D. Riggs, Mark Roberts, Robert C. Roberts, Luke Robinson, Alexander Rosenberg, Gary Rosenkranz, Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, Adina L. Roskies, William L. Rowe, T. M. Rudavsky, Michael Ruse, Bruce Russell, Lilly-Marlene Russow, Dan Ryder, R. M. Sainsbury, Joseph Salerno, Nathan Salmon, Wesley C. Salmon, Constantine Sandis, David H. Sanford, Marco Santambrogio, David Sapire, Ruth A. Saunders, Geoffrey Sayre-McCord, Charles Sayward, James P. Scanlan, Richard Schacht, Tamar Schapiro, Frederick F. Schmitt, Jerome B. Schneewind, Calvin O. Schrag, Alan D. Schrift, George F. Schumm, Jean-Loup Seban, David N. Sedley, Kenneth Seeskin, Krister Segerberg, Charlene Haddock Seigfried, Dennis M. Senchuk, James F. Sennett, William Lad Sessions, Stewart Shapiro, Tommie Shelby, Donald W. Sherburne, Christopher Shields, Roger A. Shiner, Sydney Shoemaker, Robert K. Shope, Kwong-loi Shun, Wilfried Sieg, A. John Simmons, Robert L. Simon, Marcus G. Singer, Georgette Sinkler, Walter Sinnott-Armstrong, Matti T. Sintonen, Lawrence Sklar, Brian Skyrms, Robert C. Sleigh, Michael Anthony Slote, Hans Sluga, Barry Smith, Michael Smith, Robin Smith, Robert Sokolowski, Robert C. Solomon, Marta Soniewicka, Philip Soper, Ernest Sosa, Nicholas Southwood, Paul Vincent Spade, T. L. S. Sprigge, Eric O. Springsted, George J. Stack, Rebecca Stangl, Jason Stanley, Florian Steinberger, Sören Stenlund, Christopher Stephens, James P. Sterba, Josef Stern, Matthias Steup, M. A. Stewart, Leopold Stubenberg, Edith Dudley Sulla, Frederick Suppe, Jere Paul Surber, David George Sussman, Sigrún Svavarsdóttir, Zeno G. Swijtink, Richard Swinburne, Charles C. Taliaferro, Robert B. Talisse, John Tasioulas, Paul Teller, Larry S. Temkin, Mark Textor, H. S. Thayer, Peter Thielke, Alan Thomas, Amie L. Thomasson, Katherine Thomson-Jones, Joshua C. Thurow, Vzalerie Tiberius, Terrence N. Tice, Paul Tidman, Mark C. Timmons, William Tolhurst, James E. Tomberlin, Rosemarie Tong, Lawrence Torcello, Kelly Trogdon, J. D. Trout, Robert E. Tully, Raimo Tuomela, John Turri, Martin M. Tweedale, Thomas Uebel, Jennifer Uleman, James Van Cleve, Harry van der Linden, Peter van Inwagen, Bryan W. Van Norden, René van Woudenberg, Donald Phillip Verene, Samantha Vice, Thomas Vinci, Donald Wayne Viney, Barbara Von Eckardt, Peter B. M. Vranas, Steven J. Wagner, William J. Wainwright, Paul E. Walker, Robert E. Wall, Craig Walton, Douglas Walton, Eric Watkins, Richard A. Watson, Michael V. Wedin, Rudolph H. Weingartner, Paul Weirich, Paul J. Weithman, Carl Wellman, Howard Wettstein, Samuel C. Wheeler, Stephen A. White, Jennifer Whiting, Edward R. Wierenga, Michael Williams, Fred Wilson, W. Kent Wilson, Kenneth P. Winkler, John F. Wippel, Jan Woleński, Allan B. Wolter, Nicholas P. Wolterstorff, Rega Wood, W. Jay Wood, Paul Woodruff, Alison Wylie, Gideon Yaffe, Takashi Yagisawa, Yutaka Yamamoto, Keith E. Yandell, Xiaomei Yang, Dean Zimmerman, Günter Zoller, Catherine Zuckert, Michael Zuckert, Jack A. Zupko (J.A.Z.)
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Contributors
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Contents
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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1 - Understanding the Regional Divisions of Yemen
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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Summary
In 1990 the Yemeni people achieved national unification when leaders from the north and south agreed to merge, creating the Republic of Yemen. The negotiation of Yemeni unity in 1989 coincided with German unification at the end of the Cold War. Contrary to common thinking at the time, Yemen’s original territorial division was never part of Cold War politics. Unlike the twentieth-century political divide in Germany, as well as Korea and Vietnam, Yemen’s division preceded the superpower rivalries of the late 1940s and early 1950s. In fact, regional divisions on the southwest corner of the Arabian peninsula extend centuries back in time. Across history, territorial unity in Yemen is the exception rather than the rule.
Yemen’s north-south boundary line was drawn by cartographers and surveyors sent from the imperial capitals of London and Istanbul in the first decade of the twentieth century. Yet neither the British nor the Ottoman Empire exercised uniform power on its side of the border. This was true both before and after the early 1900s. It was also true during earlier centuries when Yemeni rulers governed prior to the arrival of British and Ottoman forces. There is a long legacy of divided rule in Yemen, since multiple authorities exercised power in small regions of the country separated by vast mountains, canyons, and desert sands. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the British signed treaties with more than twenty separate sultans and emirs who ruled areas of varying size in the south. The country’s rugged terrain, especially in the northwest mountains, gives Yemen a reputation as a difficult place to govern. Similar to the people of Afghanistan, Yemenis speak of their homeland as the “graveyard of empires.”
Chronology of Modern Yemeni History
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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Frontmatter
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
- A Troubled National Union
- Stephen W. Day
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- 25 June 2012
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Based on years of in-depth field research, this book unravels the complexities of the Yemeni state and its domestic politics with a particular focus on the post-1990 years. The central thesis is that Yemen continues to suffer from regional fragmentation which has endured for centuries. En route the book discusses the rise of President Salih, his tribal and family connections, Yemen's civil war in 1994, the war's consequences later in the decade, the spread of radical movements after the US military response to 9/11 and finally developments leading to the historic events of 2011. This book sets a new standard for scholarship on Yemeni politics and it is essential reading for anyone interested in the modern Middle East, the 2011 Arab revolts and twenty-first-century Islamic politics.
Preface
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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Preface
I first submitted the bulk of this book’s manuscript to Cambridge University Press in October 2010. At the time, I wrote urgently to the senior Middle East editor in New York City, Marigold Acland, predicting the collapse of Yemen’s government. “Do I have a manuscript for you!” is a parody of my words, yet it captures the thrust of my message. At the time, I had a working title, Yemen Unraveling. Marigold was patient with my enthusiasm, two months before a Tunisian youth named Muhammad Bouazizi set himself on fire in Sidi Bouzid, unleashing dramatic mass street protests in Tunis and later Cairo, Egypt. By the end of January 2011, it was clear that the entire Arab world was witnessing a remarkable historical event. The following month, large street rallies commenced in Yemen, and by April it was obvious that the government of Yemen would not long endure.
Over the summer of 2011 Marigold presented a contract for publication. I was busy following every development in Yemen, as well as in other Arab countries caught in the “Arab spring,” including Libya, Bahrain, and Syria. By then, the politics of Tunisia and Egypt had receded into the background, and these other Arab states, including Yemen, drew more media attention. It was fortunate, while the process of editing my manuscript got under way, I had an opportunity to add new content that could account for the dramatic developments across 2011. Some frustration came from the fact that the Yemeni president was more determined to hold on to power than either Ben Ali of Tunisia or Husni Mubarak of Egypt. Anyone who has written current political history for later publication in print can appreciate the uncertainty under which I worked on the book’s conclusion.
Appendix
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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The survey used to compile the data in Tables 2.5 through 2.7, and Tables 5.2 through 5.4, was designed in coordination with staff members at two Yemeni institutions, the National Institute of Administrative Sciences, and the Yemeni Center for Studies and Research, both located in the capital Sanaa. This 1996–1997 survey aimed to record the personnel changes in Yemen’s various provincial administrative bodies before and after the country’s national unification in May 1990. Due to the lack of effective public recordkeeping in Sanaa, and the loss of south Yemeni government files in Aden after the 1994 civil war, it was necessary to conduct this first-of-its-kind survey to discover changes in the country at the provincial level. For this purpose I designed a survey with the help of the late astute professor Othman Said al-Mikhlafi, who was one of Yemen’s leading experts on local administrative affairs, and Dr. Abduh Ali Othman, a former minister of local government in north Yemen and current professor of sociology at Sanaa University.
In consultation with Professor al-Mikhlafi and Dr. Othman, it was agreed that the best means of collecting the desired information was to draw up a detailed survey form, which I could take on research trips to several of Yemen’s most important provinces. During these research trips, I would interview the relevant local administrative officials who could complete the information on the survey form. Dr. Othman arranged a letter of sponsorship from the head of the Yemeni Center for Studies and Research, the esteemed national poet Dr. Abd al-Aziz al-Maqaleh. In addition, Professor al-Mikhlafi helped arrange a separate letter of introduction to all provincial governors signed by the deputy minister of local administration in Sanaa. This letter requested assistance from each governor’s staff during my stay in the provincial capitals. Both of these letters were instrumental in giving me the proper entry to conduct research throughout the country at a time of relative stability.
4 - Unity in Name Only
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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When the united Republic of Yemen was formed on May 22, 1990, it was an historic achievement in an ancient, divided land. The cameras flashed before Ali Abdallah Salih and Ali Salem al-Bid, as they stood together with dozens of other officials and dignitaries from both sides of the border. In the individual faces of the photographs taken that day, one can see the great sense of national pride in united Yemen. Standing together were Yemenis representing nearly every region of the country, the highlands and the midlands, Aden and Lahij in the southwest and Hadramaut in the east. One can easily distinguish the Zaydi judge, posing in a long robe and turban, from one of Aden’s socialist technocrats in a collarless business suit. The highland tribesman, standing with a curved dagger sheathed in his belt, contrasts with the lone southern woman who attended the event without an Islamic head scarf. North and south Yemenis appeared in front of the cameras as one people united without divisions.
There was a time after Yemen’s unification when copies of this official “Unity Day” photograph hung in nearly every government office around the country. It made a powerful symbol of national unity, showing northern and southern political leaders together as one. The photograph represented the hope and promise that brought the two political regimes together. Unfortunately, this was just a ceremonial display of unity. In the following months, political disputes quickly ended what little sense of trust the two regimes had for each other, exposing their worst motives, and leading the country onto a path of more conflict and warfare. More than twenty years later, one never sees the old unity photograph because it has come to symbolize something very different – a mixture of betrayal and false expectations.
8 - The Return of Yemeni Regionalism
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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During a late March 2009 interview with al-Hayat newspaper, President Ali Abdallah Salih spoke metaphorically about what it is like to govern Yemen: “it is like dancing on the heads of snakes.” The comment revealed more about his own approach to ruling the country than it did about the countrymen living under his rule. When the president spoke, he still had support from cross-sections of the population. Some praised his long record as leader. Others marveled at his ability to survive times of crisis, seeming always to emerge on top of his rivals. Nonetheless, by the end of the decade, most influential actors had grown tired of the president’s perpetual grip on power. They refused to consider any possibility that the president’s son might replace him in office. The fact Salih wanted his sons and nephews to play more active roles in national affairs created space for ever more violent forms of opposition, and the consequent breakdown of law and order.
In truth, there are a number of reasons for the breakdown of the Yemeni state during the last half of the decade. In 2003 state revenues from oil started to decline because of falling levels of production. Not only did this deepen the country’s economic crisis, but it diminished the president’s ability to buy off contenders for political power. Since Yemenis had lived with economic crisis for many years, this factor alone could not account for the country’s implosion. Backlash from the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, when the public rejected Salih’s close alliance with the Bush administration in Washington, was clearly a contributing factor. The suspicious deaths of moderate nationalist figures, Jarallah Omar, Yahya al-Mutawakkil, and Mujahid Abu Shawarib, produced heightened cynicism. The absence of these three men’s voices of reason, and their skills at negotiating compromise, left a void on the political stage. This was undoubtedly an important factor in Yemen’s breakdown. More important was the spread of regional factionalism across broad stretches of the country.
3 - Salih Family Rules and the Sanhan Tribe
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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In the highland mountains encircling Sanaa, the tribesmen of Hashid and Bakil set themselves above other tribal and nontribal people of the country. They are very proud of a local culture that is deeply conservative, paternalist, and militarized. This is the part of Yemen where it is frequently said that guns outnumber people. On average, each adult male possesses three or four firearms: common handguns, rifles and machine guns, and even heavier fire power like rocket-propelled grenade launchers (RPGs) and in rare cases, heavy artillery. In the early 2000s, Sanaa’s capital zone began to enforce a gun ban. This required all entrants to deposit their weapons at special registration centers, where they could be retrieved upon exiting the city. Outside the capital, most men remained well armed. It is common to see local tribesmen carrying AK-47s, while wearing the traditional curved dagger known as jambiyya. Guns and jambiyya are found in other regions of Yemen, but in the northwest highland mountains they are omnipresent.
The custom of carrying guns feeds a sense of superiority among highland tribesmen, especially the tribal shaykhs of Hashid and Bakil who feel they are more powerful and capable of ruling the country than Yemenis living at lower elevations. People in lower lying regions acknowledge this sense of superiority among highland tribes, yet it is greatly resented. The word for the highlands, al-jabali, is closely associated with power and dominance in Yemen. Highland culture is best described by a local phrase used to express a type of machismo among men. Ahmar al-‘ayn, meaning “red of the eye,” describes a man of great daring and boldness, who surpasses his rivals in courage. It may also apply to a man who goes beyond bravery to recklessly aggressive behavior. As leader of Yemen, and a member of Hashid, President Ali Abdallah Salih long fashioned himself as the quintessential red-eye man.
Tables
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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5 - The Spoils of Civil War
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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In the summer of 1994, Yemen experienced full-scale warfare across its territory, although the fighting on eastern fronts was limited. Military aircraft, short- and medium-range missiles, tanks, and other heavy artillery were all employed in the fighting. Populations, north and south, were mobilized against each other, as politicians spread propaganda about the opposing side. Religious rhetoric in the north portrayed the war as a jihad against infidel socialists. General estimates of those killed ranged between five thousand and seven thousand, including soldiers and civilians. Financial estimates of the war’s costs ran anywhere from U.S. $2 billion to $8 billion.
Aden faced the worst aspects of the war. The northern military laid siege to the city for more than a month, cutting off water supplies and food provisions to a population of nearly one million in sweltering summer heat. Other areas of the south did not experience the same hardships. Large parts of Lahij and Abyan were overrun during the war’s early phase in May 1994. Hadramaut held out until the end. But unlike Aden, the cities of Hadramaut fell without a real fight. Thus they did not experience the same loss of life. As many as one thousand people died in Aden, especially during the last three weeks of war when many civilians were killed by northern artillery barrages. Residents of Crater district later recalled burying dozens of corpses each morning in late June and early July. The numbers killed in outer districts, like Shaykh Othman and Khormaksar, were higher.
Index
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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6 - A Regime in Control?
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- 25 June 2012, pp 162-194
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In the spring of 1997, President Salih felt confident enough about his grip on power that he proceeded on schedule with Yemen’s second parliamentary elections, exactly four years after the first elections. Unlike the weak showing of the president’s party in 1993, the GPC swept the voting in a convincing victory on April 27, 1997. According to the official results, the president’s party gained 62 percent of the parliamentary seats. But unofficially, the GPC controlled up to 70 percent. From the outset the GPC did not want an overwhelming majority of parliamentary seats like the older ruling parties of Egypt, Syria, and Iraq, which often received 90 percent or more in national parliamentary elections. In Yemen, the GPC needed to prove there was still a viable opposition, in order to justify its claim to democratic rule. It also did not want the burden of responsibility that would come with a 90 percent majority.
The 1997 election was hardly a real pluralist contest. Unlike the election in 1993, the GPC controlled all public funds, the government media (which provides the only source of radio and television broadcasts in a country where more than half of the population is illiterate), and most important, the country’s Supreme Elections Committee (SEC). The GPC’s control of the SEC meant there was no independent supervision of Yemen’s second election. This created problems from the beginning of voter registration in the summer of 1996. The problems were so severe that in the fall of 1996 every opposition party, including Islah, united in calling for a boycott unless the SEC was reformed and voter registration corrected. After the GPC made a few concessions to split the opposition, Islah and the small Nasserite and Ba‘th parties agreed to participate in the election, while the YSP and a few smaller opposition parties continued to boycott.
2 - Two Revolutions, Two Republics
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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Summary
Yemen’s revolutions commenced slightly more than one year apart: September 1962 in the north, and October 1963 in the south. In both cases, the process of securing a new republican form of government extended through the late 1960s. The simultaneity of these revolutionary processes fostered greater national solidarities. Unionist sentiments rose on both sides of the border, as citizens in all regions felt pride in overturning their traditional rulers, and fighting to end British colonialism. As a result of these revolutionary activities, Yemenis also won a place of honor in the Arab world and among Third World countries. The experience was similar to what Egyptians went through after their national revolution in 1952, and what Algerians experienced following their long war for independence between 1954 and 1962.
Expectations of northern and southern unity soared in the mid-1960s when a prominent south Yemeni nationalist, Qahtan al-Shaabi (who eventually became the first president of independent south Yemen in 1967), was appointed cabinet minister in charge of the northern government’s unity affairs. Before the old border could be erased, however, each side faced the daunting task of unifying its own half of the country. Multiple regional divisions continued to shape northern and southern politics. Prior to independence in the south, the main political division was between two rival nationalist movements. The Front for the Liberation of South Yemen (FLOSY) was centered in Aden and backed by the government of Egypt. The National Liberation Front (NLF), a name later shortened to the National Front, was larger and more powerful with broad rural support among tribes in Aden’s hinterland, as well as migrants from north Yemen’s Shafi‘i areas in the western midlands.
Acknowledgments
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Book:
- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
- Published online:
- 05 July 2012
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- 25 June 2012, pp xix-xxii
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Maps and Photos
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Book:
- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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- 05 July 2012
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- 25 June 2012, pp xiii-xiv
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Introduction
- Stephen W. Day, Rollins College, Florida
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- Book:
- Regionalism and Rebellion in Yemen
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- 05 July 2012
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- 25 June 2012, pp 1-21
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Summary
In early 2011, popular uprisings swept through North Africa and the Middle East. In one country after another, beginning with Tunisia and Egypt, and quickly spreading to Yemen, Libya, Bahrain, and Syria, Arab citizens took to the streets calling for the downfall of old autocratic regimes. On January 14, 2011, Tunisian President Zayn al-Abidine Ben Ali was the first Arab leader to fall. He fled his country in a panicked flight to Saudi Arabia after nearly a month of demonstrations by citizens angered by rampant corruption and injustice. The next month, Egyptian President Husni Mubarak became the second autocratic leader to fall on February 11. His departure came after protesters, young and old, male and female, camped for three continuous weeks in central Cairo’s Maydan al-Tahrir (Liberation Square).
Under a global spotlight created by satellite television broadcasters from every region of the world, participants in Egypt’s momentous January 25 revolution chanted many of the same political slogans previously heard on Tunisian streets. These calls for change, mixed with songs of revolution, soon echoed across major cities of the region. Just five weeks earlier, it seemed impossible to have a peaceful exchange of state power in a region of the world long resistant to the spirit of democracy. Now, amazingly, it seemed not only possible but likely to happen in a handful of countries. Nowhere was this more true than Yemen located at the southern tip of the Arabian peninsula. Yet there was an important difference about the Tunisian and Egyptian effects when the waves of change crashed onto Yemen’s shores.